Written by: Ferzad Kemangir
Translated by: Kardo Bokani
The intention behind this article is not to separate the Kurdish issue or to deny the inequalities imposed on the Fars, Turk, Arabs and the Beluches.
Within the power of conception one could imagine themselves as a member of an ethnic or a religious group, and take an insight into the others predicaments and feel the pain they are going through.
We are a people too….
The Kurdish story is the story of the woman whose offering from her husband has always been assault, abuse and vulgarity. Once the husband was asked if he neither provide the living for her no offering her any care and affection, is there reason for the daily abuse and the constant degradation? Had I done otherwise, how I would know that I am her husband, the man replied.
Our story however; a realistic evaluation of Kurdistan and the Kurdish issue in the common political literature of the Iranian Authorities are unfortunately associated with the terms such as separatism, contra-revolution or Kurdistan is regarded as a security zone; as if such words are un-welcomed guest and are completely incomparable with the rest of this territory. Deprivation from the primary economic, social and cultural rights as well as the long-suffered underdevelopment of the region which have resulted in destitution and pauperism of its toiled people, have in turn set the basis for the formation of the regional dissatisfaction and turmoil. Despite the fact that the hospitable and the kind Kurds have always opted for the peaceful co-existence along with the other Iranian nations and apart from their essential requirements have requested for nothing, based on the pessimistic interpretations and the wrong stereotype and pre-judgements of the Kurds, the Kurdish raised needs and requirements are unfortunately and usually met with long imprisonments; the number of the prisoners of conscious is increasing and the cases of exile and executions are growing.
The existence of the racial and the ethnic groups in the history of world including Iran is not a new phenomenon; the racial, cultural and ethnic pluralities could function as the two edges of the same razor, implying in the developed situation and the presence of the just and equal social relationship, the coexistence of the various ethnic and racial groups are not problematic; in fact it would manifest the cultural richness of the society and it would also elevate toleration and reduces the cultural prejudice and the narrow-mindedness among the members of the society. In the era of globalisation the probabilities of the cultural universalisation pose a threat to many societies. The existence of the cultural pluralities is the endowment that every one should well appreciate. While the public management does not take into account the legitimate needs and requirements of these social entities, the widespread consequences of such ignorance should be expected. Probably the most initial rights, which each Iranian including the Fars, Kurds or Arabs would entitle themselves to, is the right of “citizenship”; the right that its application would result in isolation, rejection or expulsion. The isolation and rejection are two types of feeling that are formed under the influence of certain conditions; under the influences of the real sensible common life’s realities, under the influences of the poverty and the waiting eyes of a starved child, under the influences of the gazes of an embarrassed father who has failed to make the livings and with the empty pockets he could not buy meal for his children; under the influences of the pale and the poverty- stricken face of the mother, such feelings have been formed. In sum, the isolation has been formed under the influences of the “egoistic” view; with its superior outlook over the inferior that would separate the Kurdish issue as the periphery and regard itself in the centre.
Without a doubt the feeling of isolation, expulsion and self-alienation in the conditions of under-development and mismanagements is not exclusive to the ethnic groups, but it accordance with the social positions of people in the society, it would more or less encompasses every one. Nonetheless due to the deep structural inequalities, among the minorities and the ethnic groups, this feeling has taken a stronger hold among them and is ubiquitous. The feeling of isolation not only for the ethnic and the racial groups but for every outcast group, particularly in the cultural impoverishment which is the upshot of the economic impoverishment, is an auspicious ground for the conflict and the hostilities. I don’t find the reason as to why we should not, at least once and for ever solve the Kurdish problem, instead of viewing the issues from security lenses take into account the pains that the people of this region are going through, the people whose demand could clearly be heard from the tone of the voices of the descendents.
The issue will not be ended there by the way. The implication is that if the parents of this territory, based on their very fundamental economic and spiritual rights, make the living for their family, or compose a letter with the aim of denouncing the oppression; they would still be subjected to foremost tortures and ill-treatment, which would be justified under the pretext of security reasons.
For the prevention of the phenomenon of smuggling goods whose punishment have elevated to “shooting”, have you not found a more civilised method? Had the people had the chance to a decent employment, who would have jeopardised their life for the sake of smuggling goods such as clothes or few boxes of tea?
In the continuation of such dualistic policies, the consideration of the issue of the Kurdish civil and political prisoners from the security perspective has been breaking through this time; even locked in the dark prisons and deemed in the circle of persecution, should the Kurds, due to their being ethnic groups, still be subjected to the expulsion and isolation? Is there any differences between Kurdish and non-Kurdish prisoner who often have access to lawyers, to holidays, to commutation of their charges, and even release. In addition to the relative facilities for the prisoners of Tehran as well as the other major cities of Iran, which is surprising and I hope that would continue, why the Kurdish prisoners are subjected to such intensive and harsh treatments? Instead of solving their problems why they have been treated along the same policies of suppression and executions?
The geographical situations have unfortunately been taken as the pretext for legitimatizing their security outlook and have continued their suppression and coercion of the civil and political prisoners, or their sporadic executions; the prisoners are not confined for the indictment they have been given, but they are taken as the hostage. Regarding the Kurdish issue from the security perspective which has been emphatically overused by certain groups and has only resulted in the discontentment and dissatisfaction of the Kurdish youths, how far would go? For the oppressed Kurds who have opted for the most viable and reasonable way of life which is the peaceful co-existence as the most logical way of resolution, regarding Kurdistan and the Kurdish issue as the matters of security would serve as the grounds for the separation of the Kurds and their demands from Iran and the Iranians; it would count them as the foreigners who should be treated as non-Iranian? I don’t hope so! Owing to the fact that if that was the case, it would trigger ranges of the acts of violence, unacceptable to any sound and cogent logic.
With the efforts to remove the bias and discriminative treatment of the Kurdish and non-Kurdish prisoners and equal endowment of concessions to all the prisoners without prejudice, a step as though tiny but necessary one should be taken for curing the pain that the people of this region are going through.
I hope the story of the Kurd is not the story of the woman who….
Ferzad Kemangir